FAQs
Frequently Asked Questions
What's the difference between light, commuter, and high speed rail? What's BRT? A circulator?
Why do we need more transit? Traffic is frustrating but it's a lot worse in other places.
Why are we talking about more buses when the buses I see are always empty?
How are we going to pay for all this?
Why should we pay for transit when roads are free?
Transit Myths (and Realities)
Myth #1: Rail transit is outdated and ridership is declining.
Myth #2: Light rail fails to attract new transit riders to reduce automobile travel and congestion.
Myth #3: Rail transit is more costly than bus transit. Where transit is needed, buses are better than rail because buses are flexible and cost less.
Myth #4: Rail transit requires excessive land use densities.
Myth #5: Light rail has been a failure everywhere. The estimated costs always prove too low, and the ridership projections are always too high.
Myth #6: Rail transit can only serve city centers, but most new jobs are in the suburbs.
Myth #7: Rail transit does not spur economic development.
Myth #8: Transit subsidies exceed automobile subsidies or free market competition and privately operated transit is better.
FAQs
What's the difference between light, commuter, and high speed rail? What's BRT? A circulator?
You can learn to the difference between all of these terms - and more - by visiting our glossary. The video from below from TBARTA also helps to visualize the differences between the different transit modes.
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Why do we need more transit? Traffic is frustrating but it's a lot worse in other places.
First, there are many more benefits of transit beyond congestion reduction or options to get around congestion. You can read about those here.
Second, and perhaps more importantly, planning for transit is about planning for the future. Traffic may not be that bad now, but in five, ten, or twenty years, it will be exponentially worse. Our region is projected to add more than 1.3 million residents in the next 15 years, putting increidble strain on our transportation network. Roads alone cannot address this growth, so we need to begin planning now because transit systems take many years to build.
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Why are we talking about more buses when the buses I see are always empty?
A common criticism of our existing system is that many of the buses are empty. In some instances, you may see a nearly empty bus because it is near then end of the line and most passengers have already been dropped off. Empty buses can also be a sign of problems with the system. In some areas, the buses are simply too large for the area they are serving, and many of the transit agencies in the region are looking to purchase smaller buses to serve these communities. However, the most important reason for empty buses is the quality of the bus system itself. When buses don't come often enough, and aren't comfortable and convenient to use, most people won't use them unless they absolutely have to. Increasing bus frequency and improving bus stops and shelters to make the system easier, safer, and more comfortable for riders can dramatically improve ridership, filling up buses quickly.
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How are we going to pay for this?
Most people agree that transit is desirable and that improving transit is necessary to improve their community. Disagreement typically arises over how such improvements should be paid for. There are many ways to pay for transit improvements. Most transportation projects are funded by some combination of local, state, and federal dollars. Some of the projects on this site are being paid for by existing local revenues and federal grants. In some parts of our region, transit is funded almost exclusively by property taxes. Declining home values has led to declining revenues for these agencies, putting them in a position of trying to do more with less. In many cases, improving transit will require new revnue for the agencies, most likely in the form of a new or reallocated tax. However, leaner times are leading many agencies to get creative and explore partnerships with the private sector to help fund projects. Funding for each project will be different, and as different efforts throughout the region continue to move forward, we will update this question as more information becomes available.
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Why should we pay for transit when roads are free?
Because of the way roads are funded as opposed to the way transit is funded, most people don't often think about how much a road actually costs. This leads to a perception that roads are free. The truth is that roads, just like transit and any other type of infrastructure, are paid for by taxes. Many people argue that roads are different, because they are paid by a "user fee." This refers to the fact that most road funding comes from gas taxes, and most gas is used to drive on roads. However, a recent study showed that at the national level, these "user fees" cover only 51% of the cost of roads. It's true that not all gas taxes are used for highways (a very small amount goes to transit and to clean-up fuel spills) but even all of this money went to raods, it would still only cover 65% of the cost. Another study by the Texas Highway Department found that when the amount of traffic that actually uses a specific road is considered, most roads studied generated considerably less than half the revenue in gas taxes needed to pay for themselves.
Not only are roads not free, but in many places, roads are more expensive to build than transit! Although this is not the case in many parts of our region, in the most heaviy populated and congested areas, the high cost of land surrounding the existing highway makes widening the road considerably more expensive than investing in transit (which can operate in a much more narrow area). For example, widening the section of 1-275 that connects downtown Tampa to the Univerity of South Florida Tampa Campus to 12 lanes is projected to cost $2.2 billion or more, and by 2035, the road would still be congested. The cost to build light rail in the same segment is estimated to cost only $900 million, and can carry more people (source: Hillsborough County MPO).
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Transit Myths (and Realities)
Adapted from Weyrich and Lind, Twelve Anti-Transit Myths: A Conservative Critique, The Free Congress Foundation, 2001
Myth #1: Rail transit is outdated and ridership is declining.
Reality:
The source of this myth is simply outdated numbers that do not reflect the most recent data. There was a time when ridership was declining. This was caused primarily by government subsidies that favored automobile travel, sprawling development that led to reliance on automobiles, and a lack of available high quality transit. Under these conditions it is not surprising that the percentage of total trips made by transit fell dramatically as automobile trips soared.
However, in recent years there has been a dramatic turnaround, and transit ridership has grown steadily to reach its highest level in five decades (see below). Between 1995 and 2009, the U.S. population grew by 15%, automobile use (in vehicle miles traveled) grew 21%, and transit ridership grew by 31%. We can expect this trend to continue, as an aging population, rising fuel prices, increased urbanization and changing consumer preferences (especially among young professionals) are increasing demand for alternative ways to travel and for multi-modal development.

(Source: APTA 2010 Public Transportation Fact Book)
It’s important to note that one of the most important reasons for the turnaround is the spread of high quality transit to more cities, usually as light or commuter rail. In communities that have made this investment, most have experienced high riderhsip and high demand for expanding the service to new areas.
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Myth #2: Light rail fails to attract new transit riders to reduce automobile travel and congestion.
Reality:
While large cities with transit are certainly still congested, they would undoubtedly be more congested without their transit systems. Here are the facts that show how transit can and does relieve congestion:
- In 2007, APTA (American Public Transportation Association) found that if transit were unavailable, more than half of rail passengers would travel by automobile, inevitably leading to more congestion.
- Residents of areas with high quality transit drive 23% less, and residents of areas with high quality public transit and mixed land use drive 43% less than elsewhere in the same region (see below). Again, less driving means less congestion.
- For a specific example we can look at St. Louis, where MetroLink (their light rail) carried 14.2 million passengers in 1999. About 60% of MetroLink's riders were commuters who would otherwise have taken the highways. Excluding the approximately 25% who had no car available or did not drive, MetroLink is removing about 12,500 cars from St. Louis's rush hour traffic every day.

Much of the confusion arises from word choice. “Transit” includes both rail and buses. Buses have little effect on congestion because they generally serve transit-dependent populations who are unable to drive and would not add to congestion in the bus’s absence.
Sources:
Litman, T., Evaluating rail transit criticism, Victoria Transport Policy Institute, 2010
Ohland, G. and Poticha, S., Street Smart: Streetcars and Cities in the Twenty-First Century, Reconnecting America, 2006
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Myth #3: Rail transit is more costly than bus transit. Where transit is needed, buses are better than rail because buses are flexible and cost less.
Reality:
For capital costs, it's true that bus systems are cheaper than rail. Of course, this completely ignores the cost of building and maintaining the roads that buses travel (roads that are also paid for with tax dollars). However, once light rail is up and running, the track and the train cars are more durable and less expensive to maintain than a fleet of buses and the roads they travel. In part, this is because a rail car can last up to 60 years; a bus can last maybe a quarter of that of that time.
The difference in operating costs is even more dramatic. Buses are significantly more expensive to operate than light rail, and while capital costs are a one-time, up-front investment, operating expenses continue to add up over the lifetime of a system. The reasons for these differences are many, including the fact that every bus needs one driver, while one driver can pilot a train several cars long. Light rail also runs on electricity, which is cheaper than gasoline (and also means they can someday be powered by cleaner energy sources like wind and solar).
What about the stated benefit of bus flexibility? Opponents of rail investment use the term “fixed rail” and criticize rail for having tracks that are difficult to move if “population shifts.” However, you could just as easily refer to “fixed roads,” and it is most certainly more expensive and difficult to relocate a 6+-lane freeway than it is to move a pair of tracks. However, the real point is that they wouldn't need to be moved. One of the advantages of rail, one that is lost when you rely on buses, is the ability to spur development. This is a key purpose of infrastructure, and is the major reason for it’s positive effect on the local economy. Just as the presence of highways has directed growth and development, so will does rail transit.
Bus transit has no effect on development, precisely because it is flexible. It may be here today but could just as easily be gone tomorrow. However, when it comes to rail, investors can count on it being there next week, next year, and next decade - just like a road. Other communities who have invested in light rail systems have reaped these benefits. Charlotte experienced $1.87 billion in investment and development along their light rail corridor. In Phoenix, $5.9 billion in private development and $1.5 billion in (non-rail) public development has been generated along the METRO line since 2001. A bus-only approach loses these benefits, which are much needed in this down economy.
Sources:
Cambridge Systematics, “Economic Impact of HART: Existing and Future Expansions,” Final Report, July 2010
Weyrich and Lind, Twelve Anti-Transit Myths: A Conservative Critique, The Free Congress Foundation, 2001
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Myth #4: Rail transit requires excessive land use densities.
Reality:
Rail can connect major activity centers like business districts, airports, campuses, shopping malls, and suburban residential areas. Light rail can function efficiently with densities as low as 25 residents (about 10 housing units) per acre, which can be achieved with a combination of single-family and mid-rise multi-family housing (Pushkarev and Zupan 1997). We have seen this in the success of light rail systems in communities with densities similar to – or lower than – our own.
Let’s make one more point about density. For those who value their suburban or rural community, the best choice you can make to preserve that community is to support transit investment. Rail concentrates growth in the urban center. Without this stimulus, growth will tend to occur as it has through recent decades - spreading further into rural areas and increasing density in suburban areas.
Sources:
Hillsborough County MPO, http://www.mpo2035.org/faqs.html
Pushkarev and Zupan, Public Transportation & Land Use Policy, A Regional Planning Association Book, Indiana University Press, 1997
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Myth #5: Light rail has been a failure everywhere. The estimated costs always prove too low, and the ridership projections are always too high.
Reality:
When communities throughout the country started re-investing in light rail in the 1980’s, some ridership and cost projections turned out to be way off base, because planners had no recent experience on which to base these projections. With time and experience, estimates for light rail ridership and costs are now more accurate, with ridership often underestimated, and costs and construction time sometimes overestimated. The following are some examples of recent, successful light rail projects (data from Weyrich and Lind, 2001 unless otherwise cited):
- In Phoenix, AZ, when their light rail opened in 2001, it was projected to attract 26,000 riders per day, but the number was closer to 33,000 per day (Litman, 2010).
- Salt Lake City's TRAX light rail system began service December 4, 1999 – a year ahead of schedule and under budget. Projected weekday ridership was 14,000 people. Actual weekday ridership early in 2000 ranged from 18,956 to 19,742. Saturday ridership was even higher, reaching 25,621 four months after opening.
- In Denver, their central corridor, which opened in 1994, was above expected ridership projections. When they extended the original light rail line another 8.7 miles it exceeded ridership expectations by almost 30 percent in the first week.
- In the first two years after Portland, Oregon's Westside MAX Light Rail line opened in 1998, average daily ridership was above 71,000, a level not expected until 2005. Prior to the line’s opening, the forecasts for 2005 were criticized as too optimistic.
- In St. Louis, 17,000 daily riders were projected by the end of the first year. One year later, weekday ridership was 44,414 and average Saturday and Sunday ridership was over 50,500. Both the media and some public officials had criticized the initial projections as being “ludicrously high.”
- The first 11 miles of Dallas's 20-light rail system opened on time and within budget. Initial ridership was projected at 15,000; actual ridership in the first month averaged more than 18,000. In 2001, DART was averaging weekday ridership of 42,000.
- The Charlotte LYNX system, which opened in November of 2007, was projected to carry 9,100 riders per day. Actual daily ridership less than two years later was 14,500 (Cambridge Systematics, 2010).
Sources:
Cambridge Systematics, “Economic Impact of HART: Existing and Future Expansions,” Final Report, July 2010
Litman, T., Evaluating rail transit criticism, Victoria Transport Policy Institute, 2010
Weyrich and Lind, Twelve Anti-Transit Myths: A Conservative Critique The Free Congress Foundation, 2001
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Myth #6: Rail transit can only serve city centers, but most new jobs are in the suburbs.
Reality:
Rail can and does serve suburbs effectively. This is possible because while some job growth is occurring in the suburbs, it’s not spread out evenly across the map. Instead, this suburban growth is concentrated in specific areas and corridors. These high growth corridors can be served effectively by rail.
Portland, Oregon, offers an example. Instead of building a planned freeway to serve the growth in the suburban corridor to the west of the city, the city built Westside MAX, an extension of the Light Rail System. Passenger Transport reported on September 25, 2000, Westside MAX's two-year anniversary, that daily ridership on Westside MAX exceeded the 25,200 rides estimated for 2005 after only 17 months of operation and reached 28,200 weekday rides a few months later.
A single Light Rail line can only serve a limited area, but a complete system that connects major residential areas, including the suburbs, to major employment centers can work effectively.
Source: Weyrich and Lind, Twelve Anti-Transit Myths: A Conservative Critique The Free Congress Foundation, 2001
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Myth #7: Rail transit does not spur economic development.
Reality:
A rail line is a fixed, high value asset. High value in particular because businesses located around stations know they can count on the increased pedestrian activity around the stations for retail, as well as for easy, reliable access for employees. A developer can invest in a new office building near a rail transit line knowing that twenty years from now, the rail line will still be there providing transit service.
This kind of development, known as transit-oriented development, can be seen in city after city that has invested in rail. Charlotte experienced $1.87 billion in investment and development along their light rail corridor, which opened in November 2007. In Phoenix, $5.9 billion in private development and $1.5 billion in (non-rail) public development has been generated along the METRO line since 2001.
Sources:
Cambridge Systematics, “Economic Impact of HART: Existing and Future Expansions,” Final Report, July 2010
Weyrich and Lind, Twelve Anti-Transit Myths: A Conservative Critique The Free Congress Foundation, 2001
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Myth #8: Transit subsidies exceed automobile subsidies, free market competition and privately operated transit is better.
Reality:
Free market competition for transportation is a good idea in theory, but in order for it to work in practice, several things would have to happen. First, transit would have to be compensated retroactively for the unfair advantage that highways have enjoyed since the 1920s that destroyed privately owned transit in the first place. Second, a free market demands a level playing field. In the world of transportation, the field could hardly be more uneven. The table below shows federal transportation expenditures by mode. By far, the greatest amount goes to air travel, although you rarely hear anyone express concern over subsidies for this service. Spending on highways in 2006 was 23 times greater than spending on transit. Clearly, subsidies for roads far outweigh those for transit.

If we really want transit and cars to compete fairly, each should have the same subsidy or no subsidy at all. In the world as it is, with automobiles receiving heavy subsidies in a myriad of ways, in order to compete, transit will have to be subsidized as well.
Sources:
U. S. Department of Transportation, Research and Innovative Technology Administration, Bureau of Transportation Statistics, Government Transportation Financial Statistics 2008, available at http://www.bts.gov/publications/government_transportation_financial_statistics/
Weyrich and Lind, Twelve Anti-Transit Myths: A Conservative Critique The Free Congress Foundation, 2001
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